"How Do Poles Vote"
Exerpts from an article published in the Ukrainian newspaper Viche on 12 November, 1998.

by Timur Nagalevskiy, Sergiy Shevchuk

Timur Nagalevskiy and Sergiy Shevchuk, young deputies of the Zhytomyr City Council, were IDEE interns in Warsaw to observe local elections in October 1998.

Our people are very happy, because they do not know how poor they are. Having lived all their lives behind the Iron Curtain, the Ukrainians could never go on a trip to Europe in order to see how people live in countries with "rotten capitalism." The Ukrainians were forced to work all throughout their lives, they were forced to provide bread for the entire Russian-USSR empire and in exchange, they obtained only a "rusty can of fish," a pair of overshoes, a sweater, and some time later they receive nuclear power plants and nuclear radiation.
The history often placed Ukraine and Poland on the opposite sides of the barricade. But there was also quite a great deal of cooperation, peace, and understanding. It was Moscow that often set us apart: the Russian "superstate" politicians artificially fueled problems in Ukrainian-Polish relations. Therefore, the attitude of the Poles toward the Ukrainians and the other way around is often different, sometimes even preconceived.
(...)
 "How Do Poles Vote?"
The Polish electoral system is complex, but it is attractive in its democratic nature. For example, a political party does not draft a list of its candidates for whom the electorate should vote. Up to ten candidates are placed under the name of a political party in an electoral bulletin. A voter chooses a candidate by placing a cross near his name. In this way, one establishes the rating of a political party as well as the rating of each candidate.
The electoral campaign in Poland is characterized by its tolerance. Opponents do not demolish posters of one another and no one "drugs the opponent's name through the mud" at meetings of candidates and in reports published in mass media. There are no any wars of "compromising materials" either. The Polish leftists to do not call for the Poles to join the Slavic Union of Belarus and Russia.
Each political party campaigns for itself, not against its opponents. The people assess the performance, the precision of concepts, and the reality of the party's economic program, not parties' empty promises as it often takes place in our country, particularly, this pertains to the bloc of communists and socialists.
(...)
 "Attitude Toward Ukrainians"
 Poland says farewell to its communist past and with every passing day approaches the standards of a powerful and rich European state. Poland undergoes changes and develops, the Poles become richer, therefore, they began to assess problems in a somewhat different way. For example, over a long period of time -- even in the XX century -- one can hardly call the Polish-German relations as good-neighbor relations. But everything has absolutely changed. These countries-neighbors are very actively cooperating in economic, political, cultural, and military spheres. For example, we were received in Lublin by the Polish-German Fund "Novy Stav" For Exchange of Young People. This fund holds many seminars and training courses where the young Europeans (prevailingly the Germans and the Poles) study the country, the national economy, the language, and the culture of one another. What is most important they establish ties for their further cooperation, for new and united Europe where each people will feel free, be wealthy, and live in peace with its neighbors.
The Poles, particularly students -- the future elite of Poland -- hold precisely this attitude toward the Ukrainians. Who was the first to recognize Ukraine's independence before the all-Ukrainian referendum on independence was held? It was Poland. Therefore, the current attitude of the Poles toward the Ukrainians is very friendly. Our Western neighbors are set for the widest possible cooperation with Ukraine in all sectors. They regard us as their friends.
Soon, Poland will join NATO and the European Union. This will strengthen us as an independent democratic state. "I believe that Ukraine will soon embark on this path," said Marzena Cichorzewska, a candidate for the Lublic local council, who was the same age as the Ukrainian interns. "There were quite many dark pages in our common history, but the number of bright pages was greater. My family was forced out from Ternopil Oblast to Poland by the USSR communist system after the II World War. I do not blame this on the Ukrainians, because at the time, Ukraine was the Russian colony and did not pursue an independent policy. Now, the Poles, and you, the Ukrainians, are independent of Russia. We must revive our old friendly relations. We must not let anyone set us apart."

"What Should We Do?"
 When we walked out of the Warsaw train in Korosten, an absolutely different world was in front of our eyes: there was the litter on the pathways; there were several local drunkards who were beaten by policemen while they dragged them to a police car; there was the impoliteness on the part of those who rendered different services; and there were old shabby cars and buildings. There was the universal poverty. But the regular uniform looks of our countrymen made the greatest impression on us. The eyes of the Ukrainians looked down and when we greeted them and they raised their eyes for a moment and looked at us with anger and pain, an impression was created that these men and women, who were not at all old, were punched in their heads and legs ten times daily. The monument to Lenin looked over this ruined place.
 We are very sorry for both our land and our people, because the Poles were poorer than us, but they parted with their illusions, while we, the Ukrainians, are still in the communist marsh. We must study from the Poles.