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Issue No. 188 - September 1 , 2000.
Contents :

By Sanja Vukcevic

2. Bosnia and Herzegovina: DEPARTURE OF IZETBEGOVIC
By Radenko Udovicic

By Peter Mikes

By Farhad Mammadov

5. Special addition: NEW AT TOL

By Sanja Vukcevic
    The election campaign in Serbia is drawing to a close. The Montenegrin
leadership decided to boycott the federal presidential and
parliamentary elections because of the recent violent changes of
the constitution that the regime of the Yugoslav president
Slobodan Milosevic enforced without consulting Montenegro as the
second Yugoslav republic. Dr. Branka Prpa, a historian at the
Institute for Modern History in Belgrade and the wife of Slavko
Curuvija, the owner of independent newspapers "Dnevni telegraf" and
"Europljanin" who was gunned down last year talks about the current
political situation in Yugoslavia.
    Q: What is your opinion about candidates for the Yugoslav
president ?
    A: Vojislav Mihajlovic, nominated by the Serbian Renoval
Movement(SPO) has until now, at least on a public and general level
as the Belgrade mayor, supported a European option in Serbia. Vojislav
Kostunica, president of the Democratic party of Serbia and
candidate of Democratic opposition of Serbia is a man who has an
extremely anti-Western viewpoint, especially anti-American, and
one shouldn't bother to introduce Slobodan Milosevic, Yugoslav
president and candidate of the ruling coalition parties Socialist
party of Serbia and Yugoslav left or Tomislav Nikolic, nominated
by Serbian radical party. Their ideology is known. Basically, the
presidential race is dominated by the candidates with anti-Western
attitudes, those who aren't ready to accept or define those issues
that the West has ultimately put to Serbia and imposed heavy
sanctions against it. The issues are the relationship towards war, war
crimes, etc. It not something that is being discussed now nor is it
something that makes candidates stand out one from another.
    Q: You mentioned Vojislav Kostunica in this context. According
to some polls he could beat Milosevic. In the event of his victory, are
substantial changes in Serbia possible and if so, what will they
    A: According to all polls, Vojislav Kostunica leads only
because he is the candidate of the united Serbian opposition, not
because he has many followers in Serbia as the leader of the Democratic
party or because of his political ideas. Kostunica is a problem
because, for me, he doesn't mean substantial change in Serbia.
Kostunica agrees with Milsoevic on many important, for Serbia
fundamental, issues, primarily his attitude towards war crimes, Kosovo
and the Yugoslav federation. Kostunica is certainly not a man who
thanks that Montenegro can stay in federation or federal state as
laid out by the Montenegrin government. He belongs to extremely
conservative, nationalist current that is somewhat more
sophisticated than to extreme nationalist type of Seselj or
Milosevic. But basically, when it comes to Serbian national
project, there are no differences among them. The only difference
is that Kostunica certainly couldn't be an autocrathic leader that
would use repression within Serbia, I think. At t he labels
himself as a democrat. That's why I don't think that Kostunica is
the future of Serbia, because the removal of Slobodan Milosevic is
not enough. Serbia needs change of the whole system as it is
today, facing with what happened to Serbian nation at the end of
the 20th century, definition of its position in the federal state
and in international community. Those are too serious and too
grave issues for Serbia to survive on those ideas and projects
which brought such national, economic, political, cultural and all
other catastrophes to Serbian people during ten years of war.
    Q: Some independent analysts sarcastically say that it would
best if Milosevic won again, since his policy well-known to the
western politicians and lethal enough for the Serbs themselves. Do
you agree with the remark that victory of Vojislav Kostunica would
practically mean only additional years before the real changes?
    A: Kostunica's victory would legitimize in Serbia what
shouldn't be made legitimate for the future. That primarily means
that Serbian citizens have the right to face the truth of last ten
years about Serbs outside the Serbian territory, in Croatia and
Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as with what was happpening in
Kosovo at that time. It all means serious facing the consequences
of the nationalist politics which chose war as a political method,
facing the frightening victims of those war, among other nations
on the territory of former Yugoslavia as well as Serbs themselves.
That are the things that an honest politician has to say to the
nation, he has to show it what really happened to her and has to
make a distance from all the people who comitted crimes. It
shouldn't be allowed that Serbs are identified with individuals
who were the executors and forces behind crimes and war. It
presupposes also very deep, honest and catharsic analysis of the
own national project, own political tradition which requires
extremely competent politicians. I often compare Mesic in that
context and say th at it doesn't matter he was chosen instead of
Tudjman. What is important is that political concept of greater
Croatia with part of Bosnian territory was abandoned after 150
years. That is where the fundamental change lies. The change won't
come when one person suceeds another, but when political elites
understand that certain political concept finally must be
abandoned, so that their nation and state could join international
community and secure future for themselves.
    Q: You say it is not possible with Kostunica as president. So,
when could Serbia start the phase of "demilosevicization", like
"detudjmanization" process in Croatia?
    A: I must say that it seems that there will be long time
before that happens, if one takes into account surrounding and the
fact that political as well as some intelectual elites are
irresponsible when it comes to facing what the existing political
concept brought to us. I think it will be our children that will
make such emancipation. I am not sure that now in Serbia there is
readiness to see the truth to that extent and that concept old
century and a half will be abandoned overnight, followed by
self-examination and self-criticims of what it has brought to
Serbia, Serbian people and its citizens. That process is basically
going on even now, and I think that we will leave a path for the
future upon which next generations will build a road.
    Q: Under such circumstances, who will you vote for?
    A: I will not vote at the federal level because I do not want
to accept violent changes of the consitution I disagree with. I
will vote on local level for the united opposition.
    Q: Over a year ago, your husband Slavko Curuvija, owner of
independent newspapers "Dnevni telegraf" and "Evropljanin" was
murdered. Are there any news about the investigation, indications
about the murderers, someone's responsibiliy and do you believe
that killers will ever be found?
    A: As is the case with Ivan Stambolic, during the last year
and a half not one state institution said something about it, or
informed Serbian and Yugoslav public who the killers are or where
is the investigation about them. I believe that one day both
executors and persons behind the assasination will be found since
such murders cannot rest hidden. Any democratic government that
will one day come to power will be indebted to say to citizens who
and why killed Slavko Curuvija.
    Q: Government continues to put pressure on independent
journalists. At the time there were unofficial rumours that people
from "Dnevni telegraf"( closed independent dayly in Belgrade) plan
to start new daily newspapers. What about that project and does it
have any chance with this environment?
    A: In this environment there are no chances for it and the
project has been postponed indefinitely. Journalists of "Dnevni
telegraf" share in many ways the tragic fate of their owner. Two
journalists were sentenced to prison, one of them was recently
arrested and sent to five months in jail. Other journalists went
through a difficult period since they literally found themselves
on the street without any means for living. Only some of them got
work in newsroom of independent newspapers in Serbia and
Montenegro and their fate is tied to the fate of independent
journalism in general, that is becoming similar to a Greek
tragedy. Independent newspapers in Serbia are people who are
subjected to worst forms of persecution, terror, repression and
prison. Those are the people who almost don't get any wages
anymore due to endless fines to their newsroom after Law on
information. But the independent journalism in Serbia showed how
powerful a profession can be, how powerful are those people who
despite everything still try to profesionally do their jobs. In
the absence of true political life in Serbia, they became a
substitute for non-existent political life and embody in
themselves not only struggle for principles of their profession,
but also basic human rights - life, freedom, movement. Those are
the fundamental human rights that are now in Serbia embodied in a
journalistic profession.

    Q: How would you comment on kidnapping, that is, disappearance
of the former president of the Serbian presidency Ivan Stambolic
and who could, taking into account your experience, be responsible
for it, especially since his case cannot be related to struggles
in the Serbian underground?
    A: I was shocked by Ivan Stambolic's kidnapping, although
everybody who lives in Serbia lost its right to be shocked. Serbia
stopped being a lawful state a long time ago. Serbia is a state
with legal nihilism, legal nothingness where there are no laws,
nor does institution of the police serve to protect the citizens.
Besides many other cases, that was proven with this kidnapping.
Law-obiding country would never allow one important public figure,
like Stambolic, to be kidnapped in mid-day, without any state
institution issuing an official statement on it or
state-controlled media not publishing even the rudimentary
information. So there is a manifestation of a totally arrogant
behaviour of those who yield force and who think lives of Serbian
citizens are in their hands, and that they can kidnap them and
kill them unpunished,
    Q: What could the background of such kidnapping be?
    A: It is very difficult to talk about background. At this
moment I don't have any information about it like most other
people. The fact is that Ivan Stambolic is a politician, so the
background  can only be a political one.  Stambolic himself wasn't
actively engaged in politics, except that before the election of
the presidential candidate of Democratic opposition of Serbia his
name was also mentioned as one of the possible competitors for the
place, but united opposition later decided on Vojislav Kostunica.
So I don't see any reason for Stambolic to be "dangerous" person
as a competition to Milosevic. But his kidnapping actually says
that those who have political power in Serbia are afraid of
anybody who could be even the slightest competition to to the
current regime in fight or coming to power.
    * Last Friday, on 25th August, Ivan Stambolic disappeared in
Belgrade after he went for his usual morning jog. It is
suspected that he was kidnapped, and police investigation gave no
results so far. Until 1987, Ivan Stambolic was the leading Serbian
politician and president of the Republic Serbia within then
communist Yugoslavia. He was a wedding godfather to Slobodan
Milosevic and significantly helped him during his political
career. But when Milosevic started with its national politics,
Stambolic tried to prevent it and stop him and was in favor of
more democratic solutions to then burning Yugoslav issue of Kosovo
that has lighted the fuse of the Yugoslav crisis and ended in war
and breakapart of the country. However, in the clash within the
communist party Milosevic leaned on already spread populism and
nationalism, emerged victorious and fired Stambolic becoming
unchallenged political ruler of Serbia ever since. After his
political downfall, Ivan Stambolic took no active part politics,
but publicly criticized Milosevic's regime and his politics of
war. Serbian opposition rejected the proposal of nominating
Stambolic as a joint opposition candidate at the presidential
elections in FRY, but it seems that some minor parties were ready
to nominate him which would create even more tense and
unpredictable situation for the regime at the elections.

Bosnia and Herzegovina : DEPARTURE OF IZETBEGOVIC
By Radenko Udovicic
      On November 11th there will be general elections in Bosnia
and Herzegovina. The voters wil be able to choose their
representatives in county and entity parliaments as well as MPs in
the two house parliament. Many think that these elections are
extremely important due to the fact that the local election last
spring showed that most of the citizens voted in favour of the
opposition. That is why general elections are seen as a chance for
significant changes in the country. Special attention is given to
changes in the Federation B-H where two national parties have been
in power since 1990 - Bosniak Party of democratic action (SDA) and
Croatian democratic union (HDZ). The rule of these parties has
been spanning pre-war period, time of bloody battles in Bosnia and
post-war period of reconstruction and rebuilding of the country.
International community thinks that the parties pose challenge to
development and prosperity of Federation B-H, but also the whole
of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and often unanimously supports
Socialdemocrat party (SDP) that has become known as a modern
European left-wing party.
     The situation is different in another entity - The Serb Republic.
Serbian democratic party (SDS) formerly headed by war crimes
suspect Radovan Karadzic lost the power already in 1997. More
moderate politicians came to the head of the entity, and among
them the most "endurable" was prime minister Milorad Dodik.
Although new politicians never turned their backs on hard-line
(often even nationalist) ideas, they are enjoying the support of
the international community in Bosnia. However, at the local
elections SDS emerged victorious in the majority of counties. In
the meantime SDS became more cooperative with international
community, but has never renounced its numerous nationalist
viewpoints. International community is basically in an absurd
situation. In Federation B-H it is supporting he opposition, in
Serb Republic the government. How will this support reflect on the
attitude of voters is hard to tell. Some voters will certainly
vote for those who will get international economic aid, while
other will vote out of spite for the international community.
    In the situation of awaiting the election especially
interesting is the behaviour of one of the most important figures
of the modern Bosnian history, Bosniak member of the presidency
Alija Izetbegovic who has been holding that position for over ten
years. Izetbegovic, who is a president of SDA, has entered the B-H
Presidency after the first free elections in 1990. At the time
they were 7 members, two Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks and one
representative of other nations. It is interesting to note that
Izetbegovic came "only" second by total votes. Better was Fikret
Abdic who was also an SDA member and Bosniak candidate, but was
forced, amid party pressure, to turn over the position Presidency
president to Izetbegovic. At the beginning of war there opened a
rift between the two. Abdic left Sarajevo for northern Bosnia and
went to his birthplace Velika Kladusa where in 1994 he proclaimed
an autnomous territory and refused to accept central government in
Sarajevo. Abdic's separatist inten s were broken with military
clashes with Serbian units fighting at Abdic's side.
    And while Abdic has taken refuge in Croatia since 1995,
Izetbegovic once again ran for his Presidency post at the first
post-war elections and achieved overwhelming victory over his only
serious opponent Haris Silajdzic. The new Bosnian Presidency, made
according to the Dayton Accord, is made out of only three members.
Besides Izetbegovic, there is Serbian representative Momcilo
Krajisnik and Croatian Kresimir Zubak. New elections where held
after two years. There were no changes of Bosniak member -
Izetbegovic won also the third time, thus confirming his charisma
of Bosniak-Moslem leader. Ten years of his rule will be in
    However, at the beginning of July, Alija Izetbegovic made a
spectacular interview saying that he will leave Bosnian Presidency
on 12th October due to old age and health problems.  That is the
date of his mandate as president, the post he is holding now, but
he can still be a Presidency member for another two years.
Although Izetbegovic's reasons for retirement are not
insignificant, most analysts think that the Bosnian leader decided
to retire because of political motives. His decision was published
after defeat of his SDA at the local elections in most major
cities where Bosniaks form a majority. It is considered that
Izetbegovic has felt that the end of his stable rule is at an end
so that history could say that he withdrew from health reasons,
not because of political defeat. Also, many think that
Izetbegovic's pride couldn't bear him being two years in
Presidency only as a common member, not president. Izetbegovic's
decision showed legal vaccum since there is no law regulating
exchange of presidency member during his mandate. At the end of
July, parliament quickly adopted Law on exchange of a Bosnian
Presidency member. New member will be selected among Bosnain
parliamentary representatives of those nation whence the leaving
Presidency member is coming from. Law was adopted immediately
since SDA wanted to nominate their person before the November
elections. That would save continuity of SDA rule on the
collective head of state. SDA was supported by Croatian democratic
union (HDZ) and Serbian democratic party (SDS), so it went along
smoothly in the parliament. However, international representatives
in Bosnia and Herzegovina stood up against this law. High
representative Wolfgang Petritch used, as many times befoe, his
authority and corrected the law. First correction is that the
current parliament cannot choose candidate for the vacant
presidency post. That will be done by the new parl iament to be
constitued in November. Second change is procedural. It says that
the final word on the new Presidency member will be had by House
of Representatives and not the House of Nations where decisions
are brought by general consensus. This change especially frightens
SDA that is afraid that Bosniaks could be over-voted in the House
of Representatives so that an opposition member could enter the
Presidency which would be, this party says, bad for Bosniak
interests. Also SDA is afraid that it will lose its domination in
parliament after general elections in November and that the rising
Social-democrat party (SDP) will render it impossible for someone
from SDA to come at Izetbegovic's position.
    This last fear is not without grounds. International community
is publicly expressing its full support to the opposition SDP and
wants SDA and its leader Izetbegovic to leave the power. Public in
Sarajevo thinks that new Bosnian parliament could nominate Zlatko
Lagumdzija, president of SDP, for the new B-H Presidency member.
In that way SDP, two years before presidential elections, would
get its own member in the Presidency.
    SDA called these interventions of the international community
as protectorate, undemocratic and colonial. The party also
proposed early presidential elections which was rejected by
international community as well as most other political parties.
After it came another sensational news. Some daily newspapers
published, stressing reliable sources from his cabinet, that Alija
Izetbegovic seriously considers to drop announced decision to
retire from the collective head of state. The rumours claimed that
Izetbegovic, together with the whole leadership of SDA he is
heading, was terrified with changes of the Law on exchanging
member of the Bosnian Presidency imposed by international
community. As deemed by SDA, current version of the law puts the
party into inferior position and disables it from choosing
Izetbegovic's successor. According to the same sources, SDA and
also Izetbegovic himself are flooded with the letters of support
from the party supporters asking him to remain at his pos
    Izetbegovic renounced the rumours, but he didn't renounce that
some civil and party officials are pressuring him to stay in
power. Although old and ill, he is practically still the most
important weapon of the decadent SDA. Besides, Izetbegovic was not
politically honest even before. More than two years ago he
announced his withdrawal from politics, at the eve of last
elections, but was nominated nevertheless, justifiying it with
citizens' demands.
    However, without regard to the final outcome of Izetbegovic
"case", there is a feeling that no political exchanges,
strengthening of personality cult nor blaming Serbian and Croatian
parties or the international community for everything bad in
Bosnia cannot save SDA from the eventual loss of trust of the
Bosniak people. Party of democratic action is completely involved
in many criminal scandals and with its national and clerical
ideology is losing race with emphatically pro-European opponents.
Also, SDA and Izetbegovic are additionally burdened by the fact
that they are war party and war leader. Such political parties,
without regard to the justification of their fight, are now
becoming less and less relevant in Bosnia. For Europe and USA they
became irrelevant long time ago.
By Peter Mikes
    Slovakia is still in a state of quiet shock after the attack
in Zilina, where three men beat an old gipsy woman, who died
after this attack. The death of 50 year old Anastazia Balazova-
this is the name of the victim from Zilina-is not the only case of racist
attack in Slovakia against Romany. Already in 1995 skinheads-
the most racist group in Slovakia- spread oil on a Romany man
Mario Goral and then burned him to death. They were
also behind the 1996 attack in Hontianske Nemce, a small
village in Central Slovakia, where skinheads burned the house of
Romanys- one of the gypsies died and three of them were hurt. In
1996 the place of attack was Handlova, a small city in western
Slovakia, where one skinhead knifed to death Romany Gustav Balaz.
His son was hurt. These are not all, but only the most known
attacks on Romas.
    The cause of these attacks is not only the agressivity of
skinheads- it is also the agressivity of politicians. The most
militant antigypsy movemnet is in Zilina- where the recent attack
occured- where the mayor is Jan Slota, the former head of
oppositional Slovak national party {SNS}. Slota is known for his
agressive militant antigypsie speaches and so is his collegue from
the same party Vitazoslav Moric, who one month ago seriously
proposed to make "national parks" where the gypsies would be
concentrated. These words- about other kind of ghettoes as known
from the WWII for jews- only fuel the racist hate of skinheads,
who feel, that they have not to fear, because the politicians are
behind them.
    Increased intolerance and frustration towards the gypsies is
lately caused by the fact that the gypsies who emigrate to western
Europe asking for asylum are the cause why many western European
countries once again require visas for Slovak tourists entering
their borders.
    Ordinary Slovak people think that Romanys have no reason to
seek political asylum in Western Europe and want only economical
advantagees. Another significant problem is the education- Romanys
have a very low education level and that is why, they are very
often unemployed and they are living only from social support from
the state. Prejudiced feel it as that the Romas do not want to
work and are living form the money of the state, from money of
taxpayers, from money of "white" people.
    The recent goverment is showing interest in finding a solution
to this situation. The prime minister Dzurinda promised, that he
will take personal interest in prosecution of the killers of
Anastazia Balazova. The minister of foreign affairs Eduard Kukan
said that racism in Slovakia will be fought very hardly. But this
interest is caused only by the pressure of  the European
institutions, which often confirm, that Slovakia is a country of
racism, and this could be the cause of slowing of the entry of
Slovakia in EU. But again, without the money from EU, Slovakia
will never have financial support, which could help to solve the
problem of gypsies. Because this problem needs money- money for
special education of gypsy children. Only this future generation
can be changed by education, then getting a better job, they can
change their children. It is a long process, which needs money and
time. Till it happens, it is sure, that there will be more racist
attacks in Slovakia. But when the goverment will have a good will
and money, the perspective could be positive.
By Farhad Mammadov
    On the eve of the parliamentary elections scheduled for
November 5 the political situation is getting tense in Azerbaijan.
The current Azeri government continues pressures on the leading
opposition parties and independent media. At the same time, the
current situation in the opposition camp also does not provide for
success at the forthcoming elections. In fact, after
the death of Abulfaz Elchibey, former Azeri president, chairman of
the Popular Front Party, Azerbaijan's opposition has become
without a leader on the eve of the elections. And the government
continues using of the current situation successfully.
    At present, the Central Election Commission [CEC] is
registering the parties willing to participate in the
parliamentary elections, and most of the opposition parties that
liquidated their boycott decision have applied to the CEC for
registration. But one of the leading opposition parties- the
Popular Front that has lost its leader may not take part in the
elections. The recently strengthened struggle within the party has
caused forming of two leadership that the illegitimacy of each
other. Grounding on this fact, the leadership of the CEC has
appealed to the Ministry of Justice and requested to study the
situation within the Popular Front and define the illegitimate
    Since the campaign of collecting signature for the parties
will finish until September 10, the Popular Front has very few
time for participating in the elections. Probably, the Ministry of
Justice will not be able to investigate the situation within the
party for a short period. The participation of the Party Musavat
in the elections is also under danger. It is known that the
hijacking attempt of a member of the Musavat Party on August 17
has caused beginning of total assaults against this party. And
several days later Rauf Arifoglu, editor-in-chief of the most
circulated newspaper of the country-"Yeni Musavat" was detained in
connection with this fact and on August 28 he was charged with 3
Articles of the Criminal Code of Azerbaijan.
    Since the name of Mr. Arifoglu is on the election list of the
Musavat Party, the CEC has postponed the registration of this
party with the claim of the law-enforcement agencies. In general,
the official sources do not except that the registration of the
party will be liquidated.
    The government has been indifferent to the claims of the
international organizations and opposition on changing several
items of the current election laws until now. One of these claims
was about changing the item of the election law that does not
allow the participation of the Democrat Party in the elections.
But the recent events have inspired the government to change the
mentioned item. Because the Popular Front-Musavat election bloc
formed at the beginning of August and estimated as a real
alternative to the authorities at the elections has separated. The
Musavat basing on the indefinite situation within the Popular
Front has decided to take part in the elections alone.
    On August 28, the Constitutional Court of Azerbaijan has
abolished the limit on the participation of the Democrat Party
[co-chairman Rasul Guliev-F.M.] in the elections. In experts'
opinion, on seeing that the Popular Front and Musavat can not
unify after the death of Abulfaz Elchibey, Heidar Aliev has
decided to allow the less dangerous, third oppositional party
[ADP-F.M.] to participate in the elections for calming the
international pressures.
    And the authorities are preparing for the elections on its own
scenario. The official TV and press are, intensively, holding
campaign against the opposition, and the oppositional parties are
accused in "terrorism", "willing to break the stability in the
country", and others. And Ilham Aliev, president's son, leads the
election list of the ruling party YAP [New Azerbaijan Party]. And
undoubtedly, he will be a chairman of the new parliament. The YAP
members have already declared that they will nominee Ilham Aliev
to the post of presidency in 2008, and it proves that the Alievs
are not going to lose the power in Azerbaijan yet for a long

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Our Take: Living With The Lingua Franca
    A TOL editorial
    The full text of this article also appears below.
FEATURE: Operation Foreigner
    by Russell Working
    (Free Access for a Week)
    They want their goods, but not their people. In an aggressive
effort to stop Chinese "tourists" in Russia's Far East from
illegally staying on as construction workers, restaurateurs,
roadside shoe repairmen, and traders, police are conducting raids,
rounding up those without documents, and shipping them home.

FEATURE: Out-of-Work But Not Up-in-Arms
    by Lubos Palata
    (Free Access for a Week)
    Twenty percent unemployment nationally--even 40 percent in
some counties--numbers unseen in any Central European country in
the last 10 years. In spite of the dire situation in Slovakia,
social calm predominates, with no waves of strikes or mass
demonstrations. Most labor experts agree that the main factors
behind the lack of unrest are the extensive amount of so-called
"black labor"--undocumented and untaxed work--and the reality that
Roma comprise many of the unemployed, but aren't likely to protest
and push for change.

    As part of this month's "In Focus" sports package: Survival of
the Fittest

    IN FOCUS: New Blood for the Sumo Challenge
    by Nomin Lhagvasuren
    (Free Access for a Week)
    To a great extent, being a sumo wrestler means being Japanese.
To eat Japanese, to fight Japanese, to look Japanese, and to act
Japanese. And for foreigners, entering the strict, ancient, and
very traditional world of Sumo or "rikishi" wrestling is
especially challenging--since 1962, the sport has been a
cornerstone of Japanese culture and customs. But of late,
outsiders, most notably Mongolians, have proven they have what it
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    BOOKS: A How-To Guide for Russian Newspapers
    by Laura Belin
    (Free Access for a Week)
    In "A Newspaper for All Russia (Gazeta dlya vsei Rossii)," by
Lyudmila Resnyanskaya and Irina Fomicheva, two Russian journalists
examine the country's print media readership, and what it takes to
run a successful paper. Belin argues that, unlike many studies of
contemporary Russian media, the book is not about who bought whom
for how much--but rather seeks to answer more pertinent and
probing questions. As an accompaniment to this article, in "Dallas
is Dying," Peter Rutland looks at how Russian cinema is looking
for a "Field of Miracles" to launch a comeback amid devastating
financial conditions.

    The following article is part of TOL's series of Annual
Surveys for 1999: exclusive overviews written for TOL by top local
and Western analysts and edited by regional specialist Professor
Peter Rutland of Wesleyan University. These valuable resources
follow the fine tradition established by the OMRI/East-West
Institute Annual Surveys. Both sets of reports, old and new, can
be found in our expanded Country Files along with links and maps for the
27 countries in the post-communist world.

    NATO's War for Kosovo
    By Andrew Cottey
    One of the defining events of 1999 was NATO's intervention in
Kosovo. For its supporters, NATO's action averted a catastrophe
and set an important precedent for humanitarian intervention. For
critics, NATO's intervention only intensified the appalling plight
of the Kosovar Albanians, further destabilized the already
unstable Balkans, and set a dangerous precedent for unilateral
military intervention.