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Issue No. 208 - January 23 , 2001
Contents :

             By Goran Vezic

2. Bosnia and Herzegovina: NO PEACE FOR WAR CRIMINALS
             By Radenko Udovicic

             By Zoran  Mamula

4. Special addition: NEW AT TOL

    By Goran Vezic
    This year will mark the tenth anniversary of the war in the former Yugoslavia.  It began when the former Yugoslav People's Army attacked Slovenia.  Then it spread to Croatia and culminated in Bosnia and Herzegovina before coming to an end (hopefully) in Kosovo.
     The fighting was fueled by centuries-old myths that were a source of inspiration for the attackers and defenders alike.  Serbs in Bosnia "avenged themselves" for 500 years of Turkish domination, and Catholic Croats "defended" their religion against Orthodox Serbs and Bosnian Muslims.
     These nations have long memories.  In their minds, the Serbs have been battling with the Turks over Kosovo for more than 600 years.  Croats have been dreaming of their own country for 900.  But now these people are starting to forget what has happened in their countries over the last decade.
     Crime can be forgiven, but to forget about the crimes committed in the former Yugoslavia is not recommended.  In particular, we must not forget about the criminals who were responsible for these crimes.  If we do not learn our lesson, we will be doomed to repeat it.  Croatia's defense against recent Serbian aggression was marked by a resurgence of the types of crimes committed against Serbians by Croatian ustashe during WWII.  The atrocities committed by Croatians have made Croatia's Serbian population feel justified in pardoning and even avenging their own war criminals.
     All sides, in fact, looked to WWII for inspiration.  Croats and Bosnians set up concentration camps in Bosnia-Herzegovina.  Serbs used the same methods for massacre that chetniks used 60 years ago.
     No one was afraid of being held responsible for crimes committed against civilians.  Criminals who had confessed to the murder of a 12-year-old girl in Zagreb were set free thanks to legal loopholes.
     It was very rare for people to accuse their own sides of war crimes.  In fact, public approval of atrocities was high - after all, the crimes were committed in the name of "our cause."
     And it could easily have remained that way.  The crimes could have been remembered only by the victims, and everyone would have remembered only the crimes committed by "the other side."  But in response to a war where everyone lost and there was no victorious side to judge the defeated, the United Nations formed the International Tribunal for War Crimes Committed in the Former Yugoslavia.  So now there is someone who will remember.
     Which brings us to the strange but momentous occurrence in Zagreb on January 15th.  The catalyst was the arrival of Hague prosecutor Carla Del Ponte on the very day that marked the ninth anniversary of international recognition of Croatia.  Milo Djukanovic, the president of Montenegro, has some responsibility for this holiday: if Montenegro had not attacked the city of Dubrovnik in 1991, Croatia would have faced a longer struggle to become an internationally recognized country.  The January 15th date was chosen for the meeting with Del Ponte by former Croatian prime minister Franjo Greguric and members of his multi-party government specifically to invoke memories of the year (August 1991 to August 1992) when Croatia was under Tudjman's shadow.  All of Croatia's former prime ministers were invited, but Stipe Mesic, the first Croatian prime minister, and the current president did not attend.
     Memories were not the only things present at this meeting of former prime ministers and current political figures.  There were also attempts to prove that the government was not responsible for war crimes committed by the Croatian side.  The Hague is conducting an ongoing investigation of members of the so-called Gospic group who have been indicted for the mass murder of Serbs in Gospic, in central Croatia.  But many, including the attorney representing the victims, Slobodan Budak, claim that the government were aware that the murders were planned and did nothing to prevent them.  These claims were reason enough to worry.  The Croatian media wondered if Del Ponte was arriving with indictments for war crimes which named former government officials.
     Del Ponte's talks with prime minister Ivica Racan only partly allayed the government's fears.  The prosecutor nonchalantly stated that she had not come with indictments since, as is known, the international does not make indictments publicly available until after making the arrest.
     Croatia and the Hague have been in a standoff recently over the possibility of indictments against some former high-ranking government officials and generals.  "The possibility of cooperation will increase starting tomorrow," stated Del Ponte after a day-long meeting and without further explanation.
     Even Montenegrin President Djukanovic - who was briefly hospitalized in Zagreb for back injuries after a car accident - commented that the time had come for Serbia to prove its democratic intentions and start cooperating with the Hague.  He did not mention Montenegro.
     Djukanovic, who has made the transition from avid supporter of Slobodan Milosevic to pro-Western democrat in record time, is demonstrating clear symptoms of political amnesia.
     I unfortunately, have not experienced the relief of amnesia.  I remember a voyage to Dubrovnik in late October of 1991.  The city was besieged by military and paramilitary "liberators" from eastern Herzegovina, Montenegro and Serbia.  Greguric, then president of the Democratic Unity movement that governed Croatia, was tired and worried, but somehow at ease.  He took his shoes off and rested in the cold sun before it was certain whether or not the Yugoslav Navy would let us enter the Dubrovnik port.  Greguric was as barefoot as the Croatian army at the time.  Negotiations with Stame Broyet, admiral of the Yugoslav Navy were conducted over the radio by Sipe Mesic, officially president of Yugoslavia and head of the fourth-largest military force in Europe, but in fact as powerless as Greguric himself.  During the strained dialogue, Mesic asked Broyet, formally his inferior, for permission for his convoy of unarmed ships to enter Drubrovnik from the west.
     Also on his way to Dubrovnik, but from the east, was Djukanovic, then prime minister of Montenegro.  A year earlier, he had issued an apology in the name of his people to the citizens of Dubrovnik.  Some of those people, volunteers and reserve army members, had encircled the city and taken control of it.  Spurred on by their government, the had already looted and burned Konavle, a group of villages near Dubrovnik.  They had done this to line their own pockets, but also for the good of the state - navigation equipment from the Dubrovnik airport ended up at the airport in Tivat, Montenegro.
     We entered Dubrovnik and Greguric, surrounded by personal security guards carrying Kalashnikovs, stood in front of the church of St. Vlaho and called for an end to the "brother-killing" war.  He sounded like a fool, but no one heard him from the surrounding hills.  Mesic was more direct; he called the artillery divisions "werewolves and hyenas."  Luckily, with their ears damaged from the frequent explosions, they had not heard him either.
     Not even a full ten years have passed since that day.  If someone from that Dubrovnik convoy had said that Milo Djukanovic would feel at home in Zagreb on January 15, 2001 and that on the same day Greguric would uneasily explain to himself, to members of his own multi-party government, to Hague prosecutors and to the Croatian public that he had gone through ten years of war innocent of any crimes, that person would probably have been thrown into the sea as a "traitor" predicting Croatia's defeat.  Imagine, a worried Greguric in constant danger of arrest, and Djukanovic in the Croatian capital, in excellent spirits and enjoying lunch with the current Croatian prime minister and president of parliament!  Or if that someone had said that in ten years time one Monday a Croatian president would refuse to visit Greguric on a national holiday, but would receive Djukanovic the next day?  But politics is unpredictable, and this is what has happened.  And history?
     Carla Del Ponte is in charge of history for the former Yugoslavia.  No one understands that better than Biljana Plavsic.  She went from chief associate of Bosnian overlord Radovan Karadzic and warmonger in Bosnia and Herzegovina to pro-Western president of Bosnia-Herzegovina's Serb Republic.  Politics might have absolved her of her sins, but history did not.  Plavsic is today at the Hague awaiting trial.  The last decade of history in the countries of the former Yugoslavia must not be forgotten.
Bosnia and Herzegovina : NO PEACE FOR WAR CRIMINALS
    By Radenko Udovicic
    The international court for war crimes committed in the former Yugoslavia has become a legal and political force that the authorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina must reckon with.  Although the government of this country has remained unapologetically nationalistic, democratization around the region, especially in Serbia and Croatia, has influenced Bosnia to see cooperation with the international community and adherence to Western laws as a necessity.
     Bosnia's Serbian and Croatian populations, especially, have expressed their contempt for the international court, located in the Hague, since its inception five years ago.  Authorities in Bosnia's Serb Republic have categorically refused to cooperate with the Hague Tribunal, calling it a biased, anti-Serbian institution of Western revenge.  Serb attitudes towards the court have improved since Milorad Dodik became governor of the region three years ago, but there has still been no practical progress in the relations between the Serb Republic and the Tribunal beyond the fact that international investigators were allowed to collect some limited evidence on the crimes committed in that region.
    There has been no institutional opposition to the cooperation with the Hague Tribunal from the Croatian side because there is no separate Croatian republic, and Croatians are generally dominated by Bosnian Muslims in the national government.  However, based on statements from individual Croatian politicians as well as on the platform of the dominant Croat political party, one can conclude that most Croats view the Tribunal in the same terms as do the Serbs.  Croats claim that the largest number of indictments are of Croatians, with Serbs second and Bosnians third.
     The Bosnian community, on the other hand, has a more positive attitude towards the war crimes Tribunal.  This attitude is not surprising, given the fact that Bosnia and Herzegovina suffered the most devastation during the war.  Approximately 140,000 Bosnian Muslims died during the war, about half of them civilians who were killed during bombardments of besieged cities, or worse, murdered because of their religious beliefs.  It has already been proven that Muslims were murdered in prison camps at the beginning of the war, not to mention the massacre in Srebrenica.
     This is why the indictments of high-ranking Serbian military and political leaders were welcomed by Bosnians.  No one can bring back the dead, but the charges made at the Hague mean a lot to Bosnians on moral grounds.
     As mentioned earlier, the attitude towards the war crimes Tribunal in the Serb Republic has been changing, slowly but surely, over the past five years.  The greatest change occurred when the new regional governor, Mladen Ivanic, announced that the republic would cooperate fully with the Hague Tribunal.  "We can no longer ignore its existence.  It is necessary for us to cooperate with this institution in order to put an end to unpleasant situations that result in sudden arrests of our citizens," Ivanic announced in a press conference just before Yugoslavian president Vojislav Kostunica visited Sarajevo.
     Ivanic has announced that the National Assembly of the Serb Republic will soon enact new laws which will enable legitimate cooperation between courts in the courts in the Serb Republic and the international court at the Hague.  The previous governor, Milorad Dodik, had made similar promises in the past without any significant results.  Ivanic, however, is helped by the democratic change going on in Belgrade which has led the Serbian government to begin cooperation with the Hague Tribunal.  And, for good or for ill, Belgrade has always been a model to Bosnia's Serb Republic.
     Over 70 percent of those who have already been indicted for war crimes have been Serbs.  Most of Serbia's war-time leadership is either at the Hague or hiding from justice in the forests of Bosnia.  The two most wanted people in Bosnia and Herzegovina are Radovan Karadzic, commander-in-chief of the Serbian forces, and Ratko Mladic, general of the Serbian army.  Momcilo Krajisnik, a close associate of Karadzic who was president of the Serbian parliament during the war and the speaker of Bosnia's parliament for three years thereafter, was arrested last year.  Biljana Plavsic, former governor of the Serb Republic, was indicted and surrendered this January.  The Hague Tribunal is also prosecuting fifteen officers and a number of ordinary Serbian soldiers and local government officials who are considered to be responsible for war crimes.  However, these are only the "small fish."  The real results of the Tribunal will not be felt until those people on the top of the list are brought to justice.
     But the Tribunal as well as the Bosnian public have great hopes for the trials against Momcilo Krajisnik and Biljana Plavsic because it is epected that they may present concrete evidence linking Slobodan Milosevic with the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina.  The Hague's current indictment accuses Milosevic of perpetuating the war in Kosovo, but there is not yet enough evidence to prove his responsibility for the war in Bosnia.
     The cases of Krajisnik and Plavsic are especially significant because both were in high government offices after the war and were enjoying the support of the international community.  Krajisnik was essentially a political successor of Radovan Karadzic.  He was known as a hard-line nationalist, but his image had never been tarnished by any specific crime.  Immediately after the war, he was elected to the Bosnian parliament by a large majority.  He often obstructed the implementation of the Dayton Accords, but nevertheless maintained relationships with international authorities.  Having been defeated by Zivko Radisic in the last elections, Krajisnik left the political scene and resumed the trade business he had run before the war.  However, his name appeared in the headlines once again last year, but for a different reason.  The NATO Stabilization Forces (SFOR) found him asleep at home, arrested him, and sent him to the Hague.  It is logical that top officials in the wartime Serbian government should be indicted even if they themselves committed no crimes because their positions alone make them responsible.  However, the pragmatism of the international community remains controversial; they had been cooperating with Krajisnik for three years, and chose to bring him to justice only once he was no longer useful to them.
     The situation with Biljana Plavsic is even more picturesque.  She has been indicted for crimes committed during the first year of the war (the only year she was among the leaders of the Serb Republic).  Plavsic has been a major contributor to the democratization of the Serb Republic in that she helped to silence Karadzic's Serbian Democratic Party.  In early 1997, Plavsic staged a coup d'etat in Banja Luka and took control of the western part of the Serb Republic.  In the early elections she was elected president of the Republic, and the parties which had supported her won the majority of seats in parliament.  Plavsic played an important role in the beginnings of the Republic's cooperation with the international community.  U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright called Plavsic a "brave woman whose contributon to democratization is immeasurable."  Albright then said that their relationship wasn't only "a political one, but also a friendly one between two women."  Taking this literally, it comes out that Madeleine Albright was a close friend of a person who has been accused of the worst crimes committed in Europe since WWII.  Clearly an example of political pragmatism.  When Plavsic was extremely important to the international community, they were ready to ignore all indications that she was responsible for war crimes.  Several years later, with Plavsic not so important, the time has come to pay for old sins.  Wanting to avoid the unpleasantness of arrest, Plavsic surrendered to Hague investigators.  Besides, as a major proponent of good relations with the West, she had no other choice.  Some speculate, however, that someone in the international community suggested that she voluntarily go to the Hague and try to prove her innocence.  It seems that if she comes out with evidence against Milosevic, her innocence will be assured.  Bringing Milosevic to justice is a much higher priority than punishing her.
     Arrests of indicted war criminals in Bosnia and Hezegovina are carried out in two ways.  The first is public or secret indictments made by Hague prosecutors.  People indicted in this way are usually arrested by SFOR because both the Serbian and the Croatian sides do not fulfill their obligations to deliver accused war criminals.  Arrests can also be made within the bounds of local jurisdiction.  If authorities in Bosnia have a list of people who can be proven to have committed war crimes, they must send the list to the Hague Tribunal, which can either take over the case or assign it to local courts for processing.  Problems tend to arise in this latter case.  Since most of the suspects are located in their "home" territories, they feel safe and are even protected by the police.  The move about freely, work and live normal lives.  In the middle of 2000 federal police from Sarajevo put an end to this practice by arresting several Croats who had been indicted for war crimes on Croatian territory.  This action caused tension between Bosnians and Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
     Generally, the Bosnian public thinks that the hunt for war criminals is being done poorly.  SFOR are not actively searching for criminals, but rather reacting when they happen to come upon one.  Local authorities either protect criminals or claim, as was done in the Serb Republic, that they "do not have enough manpower to carry out such tasks."  There is speculation that the European allies are divided on questions of war crimes.  Local newspapers often write that the French divisions of SFOR, which cover the area where Radovan Karadzic is supposedly hiding out, do not have the will to do anything serious.  The arrival of new, democratic forces in Zagreb and Belgrade has opened a new chapter in the relations between the former Yugoslavia and the Hague.  Croatia has already filled many of the obligations given to it by the Tribunal.
     Despite President Vojislav Kostunica's claims that it is still too early for full cooperation with the Tribunal, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in general is ready to cooperate wit the court.  New politicians have come to power in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and they will have to intensify their cooperation with the Hague.  Since Bosnia and Herzegovina has already been cooperating with the Tribunal, it is important to note that the regional government of the Serb Republic also sees that it is impossible to avoid cooperation with the international community.  The new prime minister, Mladen Ivanic, is a practical politician who is attempting to strike a balance between hard-line nationalists in the Serb Republic and the demands of the international community.  He has announced full cooperation with the Tribunal.  This cooperation will be very important because it will include the cooperation of the Serbian Democratic Party, the strongest party in the Serb Republic and a participant in Ivanic's government, which in the past has been strongly opposed to cooperation with the Tribunal.
     However, in order to be on good terms with the Tribunal, authorities in the Serb Republic insist that the Tribunal publicize its so-called "secret indictments."  The international community introduced secret indictments in order to make use of the element of surprise, to more easily make arrests of people who do not even know that they are wanted.  Secret indictments, however, can lead to any number of political misuses, and legal experts throughout the world insist on avoiding them because they create a legal insecurity that can be far more dangerous than the possibility of a suspect hiding from justice.
     If the Tribunal wants to cooperate honestly with the Bosnian authorities, especially with those in the Serb Republic, it will probably have to disclose all indictments.  If the Tribunal can secure guarantees from the governments that they will arrest anyone indicted, secret indictments will no longer be necessary.
 In addition to its legal importance, the Hague court also has a strong psychological effect.  Whoever has committed war crimes in Bosnia and Herzegovina cannot sleep peacefully.  Even if the names of some individuals never appear on the list of suspects, they will still live out the rest of their lives in the fear that it someday they could be indicted.  Many think that even if Radovan Karadzic is never caught, he is already serving his punishment by hiding in the hills and caves of Bosnia, excommunicated from the political forces he once led.
    By Zoran  Mamula
     When Vojislav Kostunica was elected president of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, he was greeted with almost universal acceptance by the international community, which praised him for destroying the regime of Slobodan Milosevic.  But the honeymoon between Kostunica and the West is likely to end this Sunday.  Carla Del Ponte, chief prosecutor of the Hague Tribunal for war crimes committed in the former Yugoslavia, is coming to Belgrade to ask Kostunica for total cooperation with the Tribunal, which would include the extradition of Milosevic and others indicted for war crimes.  It will be a very unpleasant meeting for Kostunica.  Even while he was an opposition leader, he harshly criticized the Tribunal, calling it a "political court" and "the shame of the international community."  He did not change his attitude when he came to power and even tried to evade meeting with Del Ponte on the rather weak excuse of being "too busy with state duties."  This statement resulted in a true avalanche of negative response from Kostunica's coalition partners who were rather shocked by the fact that the "busy" president had found the time to meet with his predecessor Milosevic, claiming that it was completely normal to talk to the head of the strongest opposition party.
     Reactions ranged from the cautious Zoran Djindjic, future prime minister of Serbia, who expressed hope that Kostunica's statement was wrongly interpreted and that he would still meet with Del Ponte, to the fierce words utter by the leader of the Social Democratic Union, Zarko Korac.  Korac accused the President of destroying the hard-won improvements in Yugoslavia's international reputation by refusing to meet with the prosecutor but instead meeting with "the man who belongs in jail."
     Pressure from his coalition partners combined with signals from the international community that sympathy and support for the new Yugoslav leadership could easily be lost and forced Kostunica to change his opinion and agree to meet with Del Ponte.  He said at a press conference that he would ask the Hague prosecutor why she did not investigate NATO for using ammunition containing depleted uranium and faking a massacre in the Kosovar village of Racak just before issuing commands to attack the FRY.  But whatever Kostunica says to Del Ponte, her questions will be far more unpleasant.
     According to announcements made earlier, Del Ponte will ask not only for the extradition of Slobodan Milosevic and his associates who were indicted for war crimes in Kosovo, but also for the extradition of every individual currently located in Yugoslavia who has been indicted by the Hague.  Among those facing indictment are General Ratko Mladic, former commander of the Bosnian Serb army, as well as Veselin Sljivancanin, Milan Mrksic and Miroslav Radic, officers in the Yugoslav army who have been indicted for crimes committed during the war with Croatia in 1991.  At a recent press conference, Kostunica said once again that the constitution of Yugoslavia does not allow Yugoslavian citizens to be extradited; it mandates that they be tried in their own country.  There is no doubt that he will repeat these claims to Del Ponte, and there is also no doubt that she will not accept them.  Del Ponte's well known opinion is that all member states of the United Nations must respect the Hague court because it was founded by the UN Security Council, and that member states must adjust their legal system to accommodate the court's statutes.  Furthermore, local legal experts are not confident that the Yugoslav constitution prevents the extradition of citizens to the Hague.  The constitution states that "Yugoslav citizens cannot be extradited to foreign countries," and the Hague court is not a foreign country but in fact an international institution.  Legal arguments in support of extradition can be made, the question is whether or not Kostunica is willing to make them.  According to most analysts, Kostunica's campaign promise that no one would be extradited to the Hague got him the votes of the many people who were disillusioned with Milosevic for failing to create a "Greater Serbia."  Kostunica does not want to lose the support of this segment of the population by cooperating with the Hague Tribunal, regardless of the opinions of some of his coalition partners.  For example, Zarko Korac and Nenad Canak, the president of the Voivodina assembly, want to see Milosevic tried.  The Yugoslav president is lucky that one of the parties in his coalition is the Montenegrin Socialist People's Party, once an ally of Milosevic, which opposes his extradition.  The citizens of Yugoslavia also support Kostunica's position.
     In a recent poll conducted by the "Argument" agency, only 23 percent of respondents said that Milosevic and his associates should be unconditionally extradited to the Hague, 53 percent thought that Milosevic should be tried in Serbia, 12 percent thought the constitution would need to be changed to allow extradition, and another 12 percent thought that Milosevic should not be tried at all.  The attitude of the Hague court is that trying Milosevic in Serbia is out of the question.  It is interesting to note that most citizens and many politicians think that the former Yugoslav president should be tried only for crimes he committed in Serbia.  The public is not ready to fact the crimes committed in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia in the name of Serbia.
     Ivan Jankovic, an attorney and the director of the Belgrade Center for Anti-war Action told "Danas" magazine that Milosevic could be tried in Belgrade under the supervision of the international Tribunal, both for war crimes and for other criminal acts, all in one court proceeding.  However, this would cause technical problems.  According to Jankovic, "there is legitimate doubt that Milosevic committed many economic crimes."
    Jankovic continued, "We know that many firms were blackmailed to give significant amounts of money to the then-ruling Socialist Party of Serbia, especially during election campaigns.  We also know that in many firms directors misused their authority in complying with the orders of Milosevic's ruling party.  These elements arouse suspician.  Another group of crimes are from the sphere of organized crime - smuggling cigarettes and gasoline, and buying and selling foreign currency.  There are many indications that Milosevic and his son Marko may have been involved in major organized criminal operations.  Finally, a third group is comprised of crimes related to the elections manipulations and accusations that have already been raised."
Undoubtedly, this kind of process will not satisfy many of the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Kosovo, especially those who have lost loved ones in the war, and those who have been injured or lost their homes.  This is why the Hague Tribunal is unlikely to allow Milosevic to be brought to trial in Belgrade.
And as speculation on Milosevic's future continues, the patience of the international community, especially of the most powerful countries, is at an end.  Yugoslav Vice-President Miroljub Labus said several days ago that representatives of the most prominent international financial institutions told him that Belgrade has until March 31st to decide whether or not it will cooperate with the Hague Tribunal.  On that day, the US Congress will make a decision as to whether or not to lift the so-called outer wall of sanctions imposed by former US President Bill Clinton.  The Congress will also decide whether to allow Yugoslavia to join the World Bank.  Without this membership, Belgrade will not be able to obtain the loans and investments necessary for the rehabilitation of a completely destroyed economy.
It is not hard to predict that in the case of failure to cooperate with the Hague, the United States will veto the return of Yugoslavia to this most important international financial institution.  This will take Yugoslavia back to the beginning, that is, where it was under Milosevic's regime.  Then president Kostunica will have to explain to his voters what has happened to the better life he promised them before the elections.
Special Edition : NEW AT TOL
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last year, Bulgarian consumers bought an estimated 6 million
illegal discs. Despite the government's efforts to clamp down on
the illegal trade, record companies are now trying to beat the
pirates another way--by competing with their prices. This year
Universal Music Group has given its licensee, Sofia-based Virginia
Records, permission to produce official CDs in Bulgarian plants
with full booklets and packaging for the cut price of around $6.
Now the illicit trade is moving on.

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   by Hovann Simonian   One of the major issues that has led to tension in the
relations between the Armenian government and its international
diaspora has been the recognition of the Turkish genocide of
Armenians in 1915. For over a decade, it has been overshadowed by
the momentous events in Armenia surrounding the conflict with
neighboring Azerbaijan over the breakaway Nagorno-Karabakh region.
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BOOKS: Short Road to Fame
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disliked former Slovenian President Janez Drnovsek, former Bosnia
and Herzegovina President Alija Izetbegovic, and late Croatian
President Franjo Tudjman--not to mention their own leaders
residing on Belgrade's fashionable Dedinje hill. But Albright has
always topped the list.

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   by Ravshan Kasimov   If you need a lawyer in Tajikistan, the best place to go is the
illegal labor market, Padjshanba, in the center of Khodjent city.
And the best person to ask is most likely the ice-cream vendor or
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faculties still keep pumping them out.

No More Pencils, No More Books ...
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approximately 156,000. Each year, the total number of students
increases by 30,000 to 40,000 due to population increases,
according to statistics provided by the Tajik Education Ministry.
Unfortunately the system can't cope.